“HUMAN RIGHTS”: CONCEPTUAL CONFUSION AND POLITICAL EXPLOITATION

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Panagiotis Kondylis

Human rights do not exist. To be more precise, in the year 1998 human rights do not exist and no one can know if they will exist in the future. This ascertainment is inescapable if we wish to strictly define the concept of “right” and “human right” without taking into consideration political-ideological expediencies. A “right” is not something that exists merely as a phantom in the minds of philosophers or that flourishes on the lips of propagandists. The very essence of a right entails by definition that it can be demanded and imposed, and a “human right” can only be one that is enjoyed by all humans purely and simply because they are humans, i.e., without the mediation of ruling authorities and collective subjects (e.g., nations and states), which, from a conceptual and physical viewpoint, are narrower than humanity as a whole.

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Internationalist Comrades broke their political relations with the Inter-nationalist Communist Tendency (ICT)

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We publish our letter of October 16, 2016 with which we announce the cessation of our political relations with the Internationalist Communist Tendency (ICT)

To the International Bureau of the ICT

With this letter, which is to a large extent in the form of a review of our political cooperation till now, we inform you our decision to stop all sorts of political relationship with you.

As you already know, we came in contact with you willing, as a small nucleus which had as starting point the tradition of Communist Left, to contribute to the extent of our forces in the creation of a revolutionary organization in Greece, a country where there is no such political tradition. We consider ourselves more as a catalyst than as an embryo of the future international revolutionary party for the overthrow of the capitalist system (hence the name Enzyme of our magazine, where our principle is not to give our readers “chewed food” but “food for thought”) and in this direction we try to discuss and collaborate with comrades throughout the world in a non-sectarian way. In this context we had taken the decision to collaborate closely with you and despite the fact that we did not belong to the ICT in an organisational way as member we had declared clearly and in practice, in many ways, our close political relationship with you.

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TEN THESES ON THE COMMUNIST PROJECT TODAY

ΚΑΤΕΒΑΣΤΕ ΤΟ ΚΕΙΜΕΝΟ ΣΕ ΜΟΡΦΗ PDF

1. Only the proletariat’s conscious struggle for its own emancipation can lead to the overthrow of capitalism and to the creation of a communist society. Communism is a radical project that emerges as a necessity from the real social relations and it draws its force from a rational and ethical liberating dictate: the constitution of the human species in a community, the creation of a universal society governed by the principle of justice, conceived as a universal relationship of equality and collectivity among people.

 

2. Proletarian revolution is not a spontaneous process that is caused automatically by the living conditions experienced by the working class under capitalism, which unfolds just as spontaneously towards aclassless society through its own objective logic of things, regardless of the intention of the actions of the social subjects who are animated by the selfish desire to promote their own social position. Social development is not a mechanical process; revolution is not the work of the ‘invisible hand’ and social liberation is not a selfish affair. The proletariat is not, of course, a purely moral subject and it cannot exceed the empirical determination of its will. However, this will, in order to be a liberating will, must be universal; it must stem from the need for a radical overcoming of bourgeois society and to raise the issue of creating a society of human species. Communist liberation cannot be accomplished if its protagonists, the hundred of millions of proletarians, don’t have a high degree of awareness of the purpose of their activity. Ανάγνωση του υπολοίπου άρθρου

The Real Dilemma is not «Parliamentarism OR Fascism» But «Socialism OR Barbarism»

Pavlos FyssasΚΑΤΕΒΑΣΤΕ ΤΟ ΚΕΙΜΕΝΟ ΣΕ ΜΟΡΦΗ PDF

 

In the wake of the murder of the rapper Pavlos Fyssas at the hands of a neo-Nazi Gold Dawn thug and the arrest of the leader of that party Greek Internationalists issued the following leaflet. Its warning is clear. To be only anti-fascist today is to fall into the trap of the Greek «democratic» state which is bringing in new repressive measures not only against immigrants but against all dissenters of capitalism.

 

The neo-Nazi Golden Dawn squads are an informal auxiliary arm of the official repressive rule of the parliamentary state, carrying out the class war of capital against labour. This was, after all, the historical role of Nazism at its birth.

In the current context Greek neo-Nazis have become part of the neoliberal management of the deep crisis of domestic capitalism and express its anti-working class attitude at its most extreme through their so-called anti-system demagogues. They emerged from the bowels of a bourgeois society in deep crisis. They were nourished on the politics of rapid devaluation of labour power and the suppression of weaker elements of the working class, and on the racist and nationalistic propaganda that was prevalent in the politics of the conservative and social-democratic governments. Ανάγνωση του υπολοίπου άρθρου

ON THE CASE OF GREEK RADIO-TELEVISION (ERT)

ert1ΚΑΤΕΒΑΣΤΕ ΤΟ ΚΕΙΜΕΝΟ ΣΕ ΜΟΡΦΗ PDF

 

On the occasion of the shut-down of the State broadcaster ERT …

Let’s stop being spectators! Let’s take life in our own hands!

 

Shutting down the signal of ERT, rang a bell that the country is well on the way of questioning democracy itself. The demand for ‘Greek public radio-television’ dominates and the big slogan that unites everyone is that of the defence of democracy and information as a public good. And scenarios for elections are firing up.

But what is unfolding in front of our eyes is nothing more than the escalation of the frontal attack on workers that we have experienced over the last three years. This attack is not unleashed by a military dictatorship but by elected governments, which with the seal of the «popular mandate», i.e. under the fake democratic parliamentary constitution, are passing successive austerity packages to try to manage the needs of a capitalism in acute crisis. What we have against us is the true face of a system that is not prepared to make the slightest concession precisely because it is immersed in deep crisis. The bourgeoisie is rigid and willing to commit the greatest crimes in order to protect its profits because it is a matter of survival, a matter of life and death. Ανάγνωση του υπολοίπου άρθρου

Class Struggle Recognises no Borders: We Win Internationally or We Lose Patriotically

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english leaflet – PDF Format

Redundancies, cuts in benefits, growing youth unemployment, precarious employment, tax rises for the low paid as well as pension and social cuts for each and everyone. In the supposedly so «advanced» capitalist countries the solution for the crisis is the same everywhere. Many suspect that the worst is yet to come and even parts of the ruling class say it straight out. The attack on our living and working conditions will continue in this way, if we let it. The crisis is far from being over. This is not simply a «debt» or a «banking» crisis, but a structural crisis that has been growing for decades (in fact, since the 1970s). Simultaneously, the working class has been on the defensive for thirty years. Only in the most strongly affected countries like Greece and Spain are signs of resistance stirring. Ανάγνωση του υπολοίπου άρθρου

SOME BASIC PROGRAMMATIC THESES

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1. In the present capitalist social system of exploitation of labour by capital, the conflict between productive forces and productive relations which is due to the contradiction between the social character of production and the individual appropriation of wealth that is producedis increasingly growing causing an intensity of social contradictions and a sharpening of struggle between the bourgeoisie and proletariat.

 

 2. The historically progressive role of capitalism lies in creating the necessary material and social conditions for the creation of a classless society. This role ends in the era of imperialism, the era of devastating international crises and world wars. The productive forces come into conflict with the existing productive relations and, as a result, these relations from forms of development of productive forces have turned into their bonds. The rampant race of capital for maximum profit has put the further development of humanity on absolute hold. Capitalism can neither be improved nor can be run for the benefit of society. On the historical agenda is posed, in the most explicit way, the dilemma ‘socialism or barbarism’, which can be solved only by the victory of world communist revolution.

 

 3. The working class, i.e. the class of modern wage laborers who live by selling their labour power and produce the whole social wealth, is the most oppressed and the only potentially revolutionary class of bourgeois society, the future vehicle of the communist liberation of humanity. It is the social class whose objective interest is the abolition of capitalism. At the same time, since it is a non-possessing class, when it takes over the governance of society it will not establish a new system of exploitation but will open the way for the creation of a society of common ownership and equality.

The working class as an exclusively suffering class in bourgeois society – seen as a simple sociological category upon which the capitalist system is based- is an individualized multitude and the only thing that unifies it is that it is a human matter for exploitation, a universally alienated mass that constitutes the class of modern wage slaves of capital. This class is either revolutionary or nothing. In order to exercise its revolutionary liberating role, it has to be transformed from a subject of exploitation into a class that fights for its liberation by smashing all the chains that enslave it and, therefore, abolishing itself as a class. Ανάγνωση του υπολοίπου άρθρου

Open Letter To Our Fellow Workers in Germany

solidarity1The following document was written by comrades in Greece and as a contribution to the internationalist fight of the working class has been translated in to German. It has been distributed as a bilingual leaflet in several factories in Berlin and elsewhere by comrades of the GIS (German affiliate of the Internationalist Communist Tendency.

“Mutato nomine de te fabula narratur” (“Change the names, and the story is about you”)*

This is probably something you suspect, and maybe already know. If you haven’t thought about it already, consider it now.

What happens here in Greece, also concerns you.

What happens to me here will happen to you there.

We are both working men and women.

We work hard and flexible hours (if we still have jobs). We are not paid much.

They threaten us with wage cuts and dismissals.

Every day you are told that I am to blame for the economic crisis.

Every day I am told that it’s your fault that my living situation becomes worse.

But the facts show a different picture. Ανάγνωση του υπολοίπου άρθρου

STATEMENT ON THE 25TH MARCH PARADE IN ATHENS

nationalismDown with patriotism – Long live internationalism

A few days ago (7 March) we were watching a sickening spectacle of the events that took place in the parade in the island of Rhodes; a local community which for years has proclaimed money as the highest value in life, embodying in the most characteristic way the modern Greek petty-bourgeois idea of «glamour».

In the «national uprising» of the «Colossi of Rhodes» we saw a bigoted patriotic mob cheering the Chief of Police, screaming in a body the slogan »tramps, traitors, politicians» (one of the traditional slogans of the fascist »Golden Dawn»), demanding that only the representatives of the police, the army and the church stay on the grandstand, and after the expulsion of «quisling cheating politicians» watching the parade in a spirit of national unity and patriotic devoutness, singing military marches and clapping the commandos of the army screaming «Greece belongs to Greeks,» in an atmosphere that breathes the stinking smell of the post-Civil War regime and the Colonels’ Junta.

These events did not come as a bolt from the blue. It was the natural continuation of the disruption of the parade of 28th October in Salonika by a similar nationalist mob, in which hundreds of fascist scum found a fertile ground for action, who were raging against the «nation-traitor government» of «pro-foreigner politicians» behind whom are «Jews and Masons,» and who sang without ceasing «Famous Macedonia»[1] and to cheer «our national army.»

Having as a «bright example» the «national revolution» of Salonika and Rhodes, and given the growing rage of wide strata of the Greek society because of the sweeping economic crisis, a «brown-red» motley mass of leftist patriots, fascists and para-militaries, calls on March 25th[2] for a «popular uprising» against «quisling» government of the «servants of the Troika». Ανάγνωση του υπολοίπου άρθρου